Northern supermarket chain Booths is seeing significant growth in its bakery division, it has told British Baker.It is seeing 30% growth a week year-on-year in bakery turnover in its 26 supermarkets, with bakery retail sales at £1.8m per quarter, said Leigh Anne Carr, bakery buyer.The supermarket, which celebrates its 160th anniversary this year, has 26 stores across Lancashire, Cheshire, Cumbria and Yorkshire. It has over 71 types of speciality breads in its range.The introduction of a range of freshly baked unwrapped bread had been hugely successful, said Carr.”Our naked – unwrapped – bread, which is delivered fresh every day is seeing 30% growth. Suppliers include Waterfields, Village Bakery and Staff Of Life – an artisan baker in Cumbria. We have been increasing this offering in stores because it is flying off the shelves,” said Carr.She added that the retailer’s plant bread was only seeing a 2-3% increase in sales. “After introducing artisan ranges into our resturant in Kendal, Cumbria, we realised that these were going to sell very well.”Recently, Booths has been refurbishing some of its stores to give prominence to its “naked” bread ranges. One recent refurbishment was at Knutsford, Cheshire.”Customers today are looking for more speciality breads and their interests are steering away from the dull white and brown bread to appreciating different flavours,” added Carr.l For more information see Meet the Buyer, pg 14-15.
The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan & His Band came to Berkeley, CA’s Greek Theater this past weekend, and while there always tends to be one fan that screams out “Free Bird!” at some point during the set, most bands tend to ignore the request, as opposed to acquiesce and play the famous Lynyrd Skynyrd song. However, on this night, Dylan decided to accommodate the request and play the song to end his set.Bob Dylan Embraces The Great American Songbook On New Album ‘Fallen Angels’Dylan recently released his latest release, Fallen Angels, an album of cover songs made classic by the legendary crooner Frank Sinatra. Looks like Dylan decided to go outside the box once again at during his set at The Greek.Check out a short video from the performance below.
Since it was first published 41 years ago, a copy of acclaimed author and illustrator Eric Carle’s children’s book “A Very Hungry Caterpillar” has been sold every minute somewhere in the world. Carle, 81, is still surprised and humbled that his work has become so accepted and well-loved by readers and educators.Carle shared his story of becoming a “good picture writer” at a packed Harvard Graduate School of Education (HGSE) Askwith Forum last Thursday (April 22). Since “Caterpillar” was published, Carle has illustrated more than 70 books — many of them best-sellers and most of which he also wrote. More than 90 million copies of his books have sold around the world. His work is even in a museum, the Eric Carle Museum of Picture Books, in Amherst, Mass., which aims to inspire children and families to appreciate and understand picture book art.“As an educator, you can appreciate Eric Carle’s great work on so many levels,” said HGSE Dean Kathleen McCartney. “These books are perfect teaching tools. They utilize predictions, patterns, and picture cues … and they foster emotional development.”However, for many at HGSE — including McCartney — the fondness for Carle’s books goes beyond the educational and into the personal. McCartney talked about Carle’s “Brown Bear, Brown Bear, What Do You See?” and recalled that “My daughter Kimberly’s first word was not ‘mama’ — it was ‘bear.’ ”HGSE was the first school of education that Carle has addressed, and he said he was in awe of speaking to a roomful of educators. “I know so little about education,” Carle said as the audience chuckled. “It’s true.”He said his own education was a “disaster,” and he dropped out by 16. But many of Carle’s teachers and mentors encouraged him to pursue his talents along the way. In fact, it was a teacher who first noticed Carle’s penchant for drawing and told his parents to nurture his talent. While Carle was growing up in Germany, his father taught him about nature and perspective in comic books, fueling his passion for art. However, as a pre-teen and teenager Carle did not see his father, who had been drafted to fight in World War II.During this time, Carle’s grandfather encouraged him to be a doctor or a dentist, which he rejected. This greatly disappointed his grandfather, who told Carle he’d amount to nothing in life. Instead Carle followed his heart, using color, texture, nature, and friendships as muses — themes that are directly reflected in his work to this day. As he grew older, he had more teachers and mentors, many of whom “opened doors” secretly showing him abstract art, which was considered degenerative and socially forbidden in Germany at the time.When Carle arrived in 1950s America, he had built up a significant portfolio. He landed work as a designer at The New York Times and later at an advertising agency. In 1967, Carle illustrated “Brown Bear” for writer Bill Martin Jr., which prompted him to leave the advertising business to pursue more creative work.While working on a cookbook, Carle was asked to illustrate more children’s books. He pondered becoming an author himself, though he admitted he wasn’t strong on grammar, spelling, or commas, which he quipped was why his first book, “1, 2, 3, to the Zoo,” only had pictures.Now, “I really do the books for myself — it sounds arrogant, but that’s how it’s done,” he said, noting that in 99.9 percent of cases it is more of a free-flow process that’s intuitive. To this day, Carle said, “Do You Want to Be My Friend?” is his favorite, though not his most successful, book.Although Carle said he felt terrible for not providing “helpful hints that might advance your work as educators,” many attendees took the time to thank him for how his books had impacted their own teaching.Calling Carle an “amazing educator,” a teacher of 20 years said that he truly is a gift. “Nothing that I have seen in all my years of experience or the three education degrees I’ve earned connects with children the way your work does,” the teacher said.
In 1959, a young Japanese architect named Kiyonori Kikutake introduced two concepts that shook the design world — so hard that the vibrations are still felt today.See for yourself at “Tectonic Visions Between Land and Sea,” a room-filling, eye-filling exhibit up through Oct. 16 at Gund Hall at the Harvard Graduate School of Design (GSD). Kikutake — whose work influenced architects from Louis Kahn to Rem Koolhaas — died last year. This solo retrospective of his work is a first in North America.One of Kikutake’s ideas was futuristic, and to this day remains a dream: a marine metropolis — self-sustaining, flexible, clean, safe. Tower-Shaped Community (1958), for example, would be built on circles of steel more than two miles in diameter. Below, bottlelike forms would keep the floating city stable, while doubling as farms teeming with aquaculture. It called for towering structures holding 1,250 steel living units in place — magnetized so they could be popped in and out like light bulbs.It was this vision that Kikutake never abandoned, because he saw the borderless oceans as the land of the future. “Over these past fifty years, from the beginning to the end,” he wrote as an old man, “I have held fast to the dream of making a residential environment upon the splendor of the sea.”Another early concept from Kikutake was smaller scale, practical, and very real. Sky House, built in 1958, was his Tokyo residence. A solid 10 square meters, it sat — and still sits — on four piers 21 feet high. Its open, flexible floor plan — with verandas on all four sides — recalls the style of traditional Japanese interiors. It is also an embodiment of one of Kikutake’s lifelong design principles: Architecture has to embrace change.So, under the concrete shell roof of Sky House, he devised a system of movable furniture and utility units that would change as the needs of the family changed. Kikutake called it the “movenette” system. In 1962, for instance, he hung a children’s living unit on the concrete pad, and devised a ladder entry. More changes came through the years as sunroom, living room, bedrooms, kitchen, and bath clicked into different places. “It keeps changing to this day,” said the show’s curator, Ken Tadashi Oshima.In 1959, he added, Kikutake’s two concepts — modular house and city on the sea — “were absolutely radical.”Japanese architect Kiyonori Kikutake offered a futuristic view through his designs. “Over these past fifty years, from the beginning to the end,” he wrote as an old man, “I have held fast to the dream of making a residential environment upon the splendor of the sea.”Oshima, a graduate of both Harvard College and GSD, is an associate professor of architecture at the University of Washington.Sky House embodied a concept that Kikutake helped popularize in 1960 — Metabolism, a vision that defied the design norm of fixed forms and functions. Instead, “metabolist” practitioners imagined buildings that were changeable and that could grow organically. “It’s all about a building that changes, but in an organic way,” said Oshima. “It embraces biology and the whole organic system we live in as a model.”Sky House is as flexible as a plant — but as sturdy as a rock. Kikutake called his home a “fundamental resistance unit.” It signified protection against the earthquakes, floods, and typhoons of his boyhood on coastal Kyushu, Japan’s southernmost and third-largest island. It was protection too from the noise and pollution of city life. In 1958, Kikutake was proud to offer his own home as both his first major project and as the signature design of the future. “An architect’s ability,” he wrote, “is said to be best judged from the house he lives in.”A platform house that is aesthetic but fortresslike. This idea came from a man who was 17 when World War II ended. The cities of his native land were scorched and flat. (One of them, Nagasaki, was on Kyushu.) His wealthy family — landlords over big tracts of land for 600 years — was suddenly land-poor after postwar reforms.“Japan being bombed during the war, and so many economic changes — that was the whole context in which he was growing up,” said Oshima. “He was confronting this barren landscape and trying to think: How do we live in this context?”There are echoes of Buddhism’s mutability of things in Kikutake too, beginning with the plantlike changeability of Sky House.But Sky House was also “a test case for a larger structure,” said Oshima. He wanted to expand the idea of modular living units — to go from a small residence to residential living on the scale of a skyscraper. In 1966 Kikutake experimented with the idea of tree-shaped mass housing — living platforms suspended on a common structure, with gardens and social spaces below.That was never built. But Hotel Tokoen was, in 1964: an eight story building overlooking the Japan Sea in southwest Japan’s Tottori Prefecture. It is metabolic architecture writ large — “a collection of Sky Houses,” said Oshima. Six primary columns link to three tie-beams, creating a treelike superstructure. The fifth and sixth floors, suspended like observation platforms — hang from a steel superbeam. “You feel like you’re floating,” said Oshima of the space. “It’s organically connected to the environment.”Kikutake — whose practice began 60 years ago — can inspire practitioners today, said Sanford Kwinter, a GSD professor of architectural theory and criticism. “This is like air, like oxygen, for modern designers. It’s systematic, but also very free.”There is renewed interest now in the metabolist ideal of organic flexibility in architecture. “Metabolism — The City of the Future,” an exhibit at Mori Art Museum in Tokyo, closed earlier this year. And one year ago, “Project Japan: Metabolism Talks” appeared in hardcover, co-edited by Rem Koolhaas, who teaches at GSD. It’s based on interviews with surviving practitioners, done from 2005 to 2011. Kikutake is one. (A “Project Japan” exhibit, a satellite show to “Tectonic Visions,” is on view in the GSD’s Loeb Library.)And there is only one way to end a Kikutake exhibit, said Oshima — and that is with a talk by Kikutake protégé Toyo Ito. “What Was Metabolism” is scheduled for 6:30 p.m. Oct. 16 at Gund Hall’s Piper Auditorium.
The Daily Gazette Sign up for daily emails to get the latest Harvard news. Presidential candidates President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden faced few questions on foreign policy during this year’s debates. Not surprising given that Americans remain consumed by the domestic catastrophe brought on by the coronavirus pandemic, a reeling economy, reckoning over race and inequity, and climate-related disasters like wildfires in the West. But the two men’s very divergent views will undoubtedly guide the trajectory of U.S. authority and standing in the world over the next four years. Harvard scholars and analysts on U.S. intelligence, Russia, China, Europe, the Middle East, and nuclear threats posed by North Korea and Iran look at where we are now and consider how the election results could alter current U.S. priorities, relationships, and power dynamics.U.S. intelligence,Sue GordonSenior Fellow, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy SchoolPrincipal Deputy Director of National Intelligence, 2017‒2019What are the challenges facing U.S. intelligence going forward and particularly if there is a change at the White House?Regardless of who is elected, the Intelligence Community (IC) has work to do just to meet the demands of the national and global security situation. There are four areas demanding attention: intelligence priorities and appropriate resourcing, technical education and innovation, new-age partnerships, and embracing transparency and openness (and countering the same).With a Biden victory, the president-elect has the chance to install leadership capable of meeting these challenges and rebuilding trust between the White House and IC. That leadership has to be driven more by competence than by party loyalty because of the real work they will need to do for the community, not just for the president. A Biden White House must reassert the importance of the independence of intelligence agencies, even as they are included in the national security and national economic processes; support a budget that funds research, development, and implementation of trusted AI; press for intelligence products that support modern decision-making; and drive reinvigorated intelligence relationships with foreign partners. What risks could the U.S. face if there’s a disputed election or if Trump loses but does not accept that result?If a disputed election, I see three potential threats: opportunistic actors who would take advantage of our distraction and uncertainty to advance their aims; intensive cyber influence operations to sow division and exacerbate mistrust within the government and among the American people; and unforeseen events that demand unified response.The problem I see is that in times of transition — whether peaceful or tumultuous — two things upon which we usually rely for stability are uncertain. The first are our institutions. They are the foundation of fair, repeatable, systemic action. And for the past four years they have been under attack — not for their performance (which must improve) but for their integrity. The narrative that Americans can’t trust their institutions will cost us if the election is contested. The second is our leaders. Our system was designed to put authority in the position, not the person — the role of the person is to make sure that the populace is well-served by their sure execution of their authorities, regardless of their personal interests.Russia,Alexandra Vacroux, Ph.D. ’05Executive Director, Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian StudiesLecturer on Government at Harvard UniversityHow might the results of the voting affect U.S. relations with Russia, particularly since they sought to help Trump win in 2016? It’s not clear that the Russians are still all-in for Trump. The Kremlin supported Trump in 2016 because they feared Clinton would be more difficult to work with. But Trump hasn’t produced an improved bilateral relationship, and he is perceived as weak and ineffectual. Of course, that might mean he is easier to manipulate. If there’s a decent chance that Trump will lose the election — and you can bet that Russia is following Nate Silver’s 538 models as closely as we are — Putin won’t see an advantage to granting Trump favors. Trump is still hoping for a preelection announcement extending the new START treaty, but the Russians haven’t been keen on backing the wrong horse at this late stage in the election cycle. A new administration would reassess all foreign policy, including U.S.-Russia relations. But a Biden win is unlikely to result in a significant change vis-à-vis Russia. There’s little reason to improve ties, and the relationship is so bad that it’s unlikely to get worse. Many of the U.S. sanctions against Russia are congressionally imposed, and few Democrats or Republicans will want to be on the record supporting closer ties with Russia.If Trump remains in power, what is Putin likely to try to get from the U.S.?The question is: What does Putin want? He wants Russia to be treated as one of the great powers in the world, alongside the U.S. and China. He is unlikely to get that from any American president. He wants his economy to grow, but U.S.-Russian trade ties have never been particularly impressive. Putin may be counting on Trump to help him achieve other goals, e.g., reducing U.S. troops in Germany and undermining NATO, but the Russians see these decisions as evidence of Trump’s petulant incompetence rather than as rapprochement. Trump is good for Putin because he has increased political fragmentation in the U.S. The more attention American political leaders have to devote to chaos at home, the more freedom of maneuver Russia has to increase its influence in other parts of the world.China,Edward A. Cunningham, A.M. ’00Director of the Ash Center China Programs and the Asia Energy and Sustainability Initiative, Harvard Kennedy SchoolWhat does the future look like in terms of our relations with China, particularly around trade and the economy?I suspect the consensus is partially right — direct trade and market access pressure on China will largely continue. However, indirect and more coordinated investment-related and military pressure may increase. A few important but narrowly defined areas of cooperation will be pursued with vigor. Taken together, this combination of status quo and change will result in a Biden administration that may find itself pursuing policies that contrast sharply with one another: U.S. military actions in the Asian region may prove more unilateral, while economic actions may prove to be an interesting mix of renewed but limited multilateralism and continued protectionism. Importantly, these China policies may be promulgated earlier in the administration than many think.While a President Biden will undoubtedly focus initially on domestic concerns, I doubt that he would be able to delay addressing changes to the U.S.-China relationship. A new U.S. administration would begin 2021 prioritizing a COVID-19 response. Yet next year, China will celebrate the Chinese Communist Party’s 100th anniversary and continue to expand its influence militarily and economically; Japan-Republic of Korea relations may continue to deteriorate; leaders on Taiwan will watch the struggles of Hong Kong with growing unease; climate change and environmental crises will continue; South China Sea tensions will remain; and a range of trade tariffs will continue to undermine U.S.-China economic engagement.Moreover, many of the inputs critical to a more resilient U.S. personal protective equipment (PPE) supply chain, clean energy infrastructure technologies, climate and conservation agreements, and other Biden priorities depend on supply chains and voting influenced by China and therefore require a concerted effort to get right. As a result, Biden would likely maintain the majority of existing economic tariffs on Chinese goods. However, he will probably lift a narrow range of targeted tariffs on certain intermediate- and lower-value-added products with limited alternative sources. The economic narrative will in part continue to focus on China meeting [World Trade Organization] obligations and related access to China’s growing services market.In contrast to the Trump administration, Biden would be in a better position to work more closely with European and Asian allies to further tighten government screening of Chinese investment by state-owned enterprises in sensitive high-tech and dual-use sectors. Related efforts to share surveillance and data may be muted by allies. Also in contrast, Biden will likely pursue a more vigorous U.S. industrial policy that may channel a range of subsidies and Buy American Act controls to support the further development of American semiconductor, ICT [information and communications technology], medical equipment, steel, and infrastructure-related industries. However, such efforts may complicate moves to increase trade with allies in such key sectors and run counter to the U.S. drumbeat of pushing open-market access. Depending on how lessons of the Obama era have been internalized by the Biden team, Chinese actions in the region that are deemed aggressive may be met with more decisive and unilateral displays of American military support of allies.A Biden presidency would also reach out to China in important areas through multilateral means and undoubtedly include a recommitment to the Paris Agreement and strengthened partnership with China on carbon-emission-reduction goals, as well as joint pandemic management through the World Health Organization. Here again, though, such areas of real potential progress will be in tension with other priorities, including a probable return to pressuring China on its human rights abuses related to Uighurs in Xinjiang and a range of other important cases. Much will depend on how policymakers on both sides of the Pacific measure the tradeoffs of these internal tensions in policy and how committed they are to scoring incremental wins and maintaining joint work goals in important policy areas, while also engaging in medium- to long-term realignment of supply chains, investment patterns, diplomatic resources, and force postures.European Union,Torrey TaussigResearch Director, Project on Europe and the Trans-Atlantic RelationshipBelfer Center on Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy SchoolGiven his foreign policy chops, how do you expect Biden might broach mending the frayed relationship with allies in Europe and the UK?A Biden administration would present the U.S. and its European partners with an opportunity to rebuild trust and cohesion in the trans-Atlantic relationship. A critical reset is needed after four years of a Trump administration that has called the European Union a “foe,” raised doubts over America’s commitment to NATO, and has withdrawn from key international treaties such as the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal. A Biden administration would work with European partners on a range of shared challenges, including China, Russia, Iran, climate change, democratic backsliding in the alliance, trade and technology, and reform institutions to achieve U.S. interests and maintain global stability.Biden’s long career in the U.S. Senate and on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations point to a strong track record of support for Euro-Atlantic institutions and alliances from the Balkans to the Baltics. In the early 1990s, Biden was a strong advocate for responding to Serbian aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for intensifying pressure to bring about an end to the war. Throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, he was a key proponent of NATO membership for Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic states. Following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and occupation of the Donbas in 2014, Biden argued for enhanced U.S. military presence in Central and Eastern Europe to deter further Russian aggression and was a major force behind the European Reassurance Initiative. These actions, among many others, highlight for Europeans that they would have a willing and capable partner in the White House.That said, greater cooperation between the U.S. and Europe under a Biden administration is not preordained. It will take a significant amount of work to restore trust and make progress toward shared goals. Initial efforts to strengthen ties could include an early visit from a new administration to Europe and a potential series of summits with EU and NATO leaders. Much will also be required from the European Union and EU member states that have thus far failed to unite on a shared China policy, shoulder more of the burden of defense spending in NATO, and adequately address democracy challenges among EU member states. COVID-19 and the ongoing task of economic recovery will present the U.S. and Europe with an even more difficult reality in 2021.Middle East,Rami KhouriSenior Fellow, Middle East Initiative, Harvard Kennedy SchoolJournalist and internationally syndicated columnist for Agence Global, USAHow might the election results affect U.S. relationships in the Middle East? The only major difference in the Middle East between a Trump or Biden presidency would be in Iran relations, where Biden would try to return to the negotiated nuclear sanctions agreement from which Trump pulled the U.S. out. On Israel-Palestine, there would be only minor differences, in tone rather than in substance, as both Biden and Trump essentially favor Israel and give it virtually everything it seeks — arms, money, and no serious opposition to its colonial settlements.We are likely also to see some minor differences in relations with Saudi Arabia, with Biden putting some very mild and mostly symbolic pressures on the Saudis for their policies in Yemen and on internal human rights. The U.S.A.’s foreign policy in the Middle East has changed very little between Republican- or Democratic-led governments, and we will see this again if Biden wins.The truth is that Middle East policy matters very little to the U.S. these days, as no major security threats to the U.S. emanate from the region, and the U.S. and other Western states feel they can control concerns about the issues that matter to them, namely oil and gas flows, terrorism, refugees, and mass migration. Regional powers like Iran, Israel, and Turkey, or would-be powers like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, are more decisive in impacting the region, along with Russia, among the global powers. The U.S. has entangled itself haplessly in wasted military efforts in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria, and will want to wind down its direct military involvement in the region, regardless of who is president.Nuclear threats,Matthew BunnJames R. Schlesinger Professor of the Practice of Energy, National Security, and Foreign PolicyFaculty Director, Project on Managing the Atom, Harvard Kennedy SchoolHow might a Biden administration be different from Trump’s in the nation’s strategy for attempting to shape the nuclear arms programs of Iran, North Korea, and Russia? The danger of nuclear war has been rising, as hostility between the major powers rises and new technologies from cyber to counter-space weapons make stability more difficult to sustain. For much of his Senate career, particularly as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, former Vice President Biden immersed himself in nuclear issues, and he would be well-positioned to take action to reduce nuclear risks. His approach, if elected, would be quite different from President Trump’s — less ripping up of past accords and more hard-headed bargaining for new ones that would serve U.S. national security interests. Biden has made clear that he would extend the new START treaty that limits U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear forces to provide nuclear predictability and verification while a follow-on pact with further reductions was negotiated. He has made clear that he would return to the Iran nuclear deal, while seeking to strengthen some of its provisions. He has taken a fairly tough line on North Korea’s nuclear program, but recognizes the danger of confrontation on the Korean peninsula. Hence, he would likely seek to use a combination of strengthened sanctions on North Korea and cooperation with China to get North Korea to agree to first-stage steps that would reduce the nuclear danger, while still holding out the ultimate hope for a denuclearized Korean peninsula. He would likely continue past efforts to ensure that nuclear weapons and materials around the world are secure and kept out of terrorist hands.Comments have been lightly edited for clarity and length.
Some foods don’t freeze well. “Milk sauces and gravies sometimes curdle and separate when frozen,” Andress said. “Stirring while reheating helps keep the product smooth. Using waxy rice flour or waxy corn flour as the thickener also helps to fix the problem.” She said it’s better to freeze broth and make gravy just before serving. Cooked, creamed vegetables tend to lose flavor fast when frozen. Don’t put them in the freezer unless you’ll use them within three weeks. Vegetables packed in sauce tend to retain their flavor longer. Cook your vegetables, cool them quickly and then add the sauce. Package the mixture in freezer containers, leaving space for expansion. Lettuce, other greens, cucumbers, radishes and celery lose crispness and become soggy when thawed. Raw potatoes don’t freeze well, either. Slice the turkeyFreezing whole, cooked turkeys isn’t considered safe. “As with any food, the time needed for freezing in the center of the item is the critical factor,” Andress said. “Trying to freeze a large mass like a whole cooked and stuffed turkey can keep the center warm enough for the hours it takes some bacteria to multiply to harmful levels.” Slice the turkey off the bone and package it in usable amounts, she said. Freeze stuffing separately, too, so it freezes quickly. By April SorrowUniversity of GeorgiaLeftover turkey and dressing or a slice of pumpkin pie can be a wonderful after-the-holidays treat. But don’t wait too long to eat them, says a University of Georgia food safety expert. “A good rule of thumb is to use your leftovers within three to four days,” said Judy Harrison, a UGA Cooperative Extension food safety specialist with the College of Family and Consumer Sciences. “After four days you should discard them.” Eating leftovers that have been kept too long or stored improperly can make people sick with a variety of foodborne pathogens, she said. “Some bacteria like Listeria can grow at refrigerator temperatures,” Harrison said. “And the longer you keep the food, the more time bacteria have to grow to high numbers.” If your holiday meal is set up as a buffet, she says, don’t save the leftovers. “Food on buffets comes in contact with a lot of people,” she said. “This greatly increases the risk of contamination.” Remember that even fully-cooked foods can grow bacteria if you don’t care for them properly after you cook them. Food kept at room temperature for two hours or less can be stored for later use. Freezing leftovers is an excellent way to limit waste and prepare for future meals. “There are many advantages of freezing prepared foods,” said Elizabeth Andress, director of the National Center for Home Food Preservation hosted by FCS. “Cool cooked foods quickly for safety and freshness,” Andress said. “Keeping foods at room temperature for several hours before freezing increases the chance of spoilage and foodborne illness.” To cool hot food faster, put it in a pan or sink of ice water. This is especially important, she said, when preparing large amounts of food. Change the ice water often or run cold water around the pan. When the food is cool, immediately package and freeze it. “Packaging materials must be moisture-vapor-resistant, durable and leak proof,” Andress said. “Bags shouldn’t become brittle and crack at low temperatures. They should be resistant to oils, grease or water. Packaging should protect foods from absorption of off-flavors or odors. They should be easy to seal, too, and easy to write on.” Good freezing materials include rigid containers made of aluminum, glass, plastic or stainless steel. Bags and sheets of moisture-vapor-resistant wraps and laminated papers made specifically for freezing are good choices, too. “Package foods in the amounts you want to use at one time,” Andress said. “Once food is thawed, it spoils more quickly than fresh foods. Be sure to label each package with contents and date.” Troublesome foods
The spectacular fireworks set off to celebrate the country’s September 15th independence anniversary? Made by the Military industry as well. One of the buyers of IMFAA products, Carmen Julia Cerrato, went to the Military Industry’s campus store to purchase one of those uniforms for her 12-year old son Bryan Guerra. “I come all the way here for it because it is better quality, otherwise I could easily have had his uniform made by a seamstress near to where I live,” she explained. Furthermore, Gómez added, “we employ people of all ages, because age discrimination is also an issue. Our youngest employee is 19, and our oldest ones surpass 60.” The Military Industry of the Honduran Armed Forces (IMFAA) produces more than 500 products, supplying the official clothing for every branch of the armed forces in addition to a wide range of goods made available to the civilian population at significantly lower prices than those found in the market. If you see a man or woman in uniform in Honduras —whether a member of the Armed Forces, the National Police, the Fire Department, or the Permanent Commission on Contingencies (COPECO)— they are wearing gear manufactured by the country’s Military Industry, from their boots to their nameplates and hats. Producing a wide array of products “Every year we participate in school fairs, offering shoes for children, so parents have more affordable options for their children. Our shoes are less expensive, but also higher quality. Kids play soccer with rocks and the shoe endures. They have long durability.” Ruth Alejandra Gómez is one of the three industrial engineers who head the plants that produce shoes and clothing and where workers weave products. She has worked in the Military Industry for 10 years. “The leadership’s vision is to work with the strengths of a person; we consider that a disability is not incapacitating. We place them in positions where they can feel comfortable and production is not affected. They tried to find employment in other parts and were not successful. Thankfully they found the support they needed here.” Serving consumers and workers The IMFAA serves consumers like Cerrato and also provides opportunities for workers — some of whom are disabled — who produce its products. By Dialogo September 25, 2015 I am a tailor certified by INFOP to make pants and I wish to be employed in the military industry to be able to serve The IMFAA has maintained the high quality of its production by updating its equipment and using high-quality raw materials, which don’t shrink or loose their color by exposure to sunlight, in the case of clothes; or with reliable traction in the case of shoes, to name a few qualities. In the future, “we will start working with metals,” says Col. Rodríguez. “There have been talks of assigning us the production of license plates to reduce a delay in that area.” In a corner of the shoe plant, Mauricio Flores Guerra quietly inserted and clamped “breathers” into the side portions of Military boots with skill and ease. In spite of having lost his eyesight in his childhood, Guerra acquired his riveting skills in the nine years since he started working there. The Military Industry helped him recover his bearings and his independence. Now married with three daughters, his blindness is an afterthought. “We make all the uniforms of the Armed Forces and we have agreements with many government institutions — we make uniforms for the health sector, for Social Security, for the Red Cross and the National Autonomous University, but part of our production is available to civilians,” said Colonel of War Materiel José Antonio Rodríguez, the industry’s assistant manager. The Military Industry does not make school uniforms on a regular basis, but it does produce all the uniforms for a school with a Military-style education. The IMFAA also manufactures uniforms for a group of children who receive first aid training from the Fire Department every Saturday, according to Lieutenant Colonel Héctor Ayala Barahona, who directs the sales department of the IMFAA. Clothes for schoolchildren “We aim to provide a service to society in more than one way,” Col. Rodriguez said. “We currently employ a blind person, two men bound in wheelchairs, deaf persons, and others who use crutches. The majority of our personnel are women, many of which are single moms, too.” “When I got here I overcame all the obstacles. This is the way God has provided for me and the sustenance of my family.” The Honduran Armed Forces Military Industry was created in 1979. In the 36 years since its inception, it has grown into a first-rate manufacturer of varied goods: Military daily wear, gala and sports uniforms; boots, shoes, Military bags, gun holsters, insignia, vests, belts, jackets, flags, caps, gloves, and engraved accessories. The IMFAA’s manufacturing plants are located in pine tree-lined mountains, approximately 40 minutes away from Honduras’ capital Tegucigalpa, in a village called Las Tapias, shortly past the Military Hospital and the First Infantry Battalion. When Diálogo visited recently, the buildings were abuzz with chatter, the sound of sowing machines, hammers coming down, and the tunes of Mexican crooner Joan Sebastian adding to the festive atmosphere.
By Gustavo Arias Retana/Diálogo November 01, 2018 In mid-September 2018, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro visited one of the few international partners his government has left: China. Maduro sought funding to give his administration some relief. Although he returned without a loan, he signed about 20 agreements leaving Venezuela in an even more dependent position. “Venezuela was the main gate of entry for China into Latin America and the Caribbean, and still is,” José Ricardo Thomas, political scientist at the Central University of Venezuela, who holds a doctorate in International Affairs from Peking University, told Diálogo. “There was a political-military elite gave the country away to China for personal gain, negligence, unsound geopolitical perception, and lack of nationalism.” “Venezuela is at risk of becoming ultra-dependent on China, which seems to have effectively happened. It could become just a bargaining chip for superpowers’ interests,” said Mariano De Alba, a Venezuelan lawyer specialized in international law and international relations. “Venezuela became a country whose partnerships do not conform with Venezuelan interests, but to political and ideological affinities. The current scenario is one where Venezuela lost almost all its independence.” Oil is what matters Although he did not elaborate on the details of the agreement with China, Maduro said one of the goals is to stabilize Venezuelan oil production. According to De Alba, the objective isn’t new, because China’s main interest in Venezuela is to increase its participation in energy production. “They are interested in the energy sector, especially oil, gas, and raw materials such as valuable minerals. Then, to a lesser extent, their interest is in infrastructure and construction,” De Alba said. “Obviously, any world power wants to have access to key raw materials, such as oil, to maintain its pace of economic growth. Therefore, China somehow takes advantage of the void that exists in Venezuela.” According to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, Venezuela sent China 330,000 barrels of oil to pay part of its debt in 2017. In the first semester of 2018, oil production in Venezuela fell by 20 percent. Cyclic debt The relationship between China and Venezuela is very tight, De Alba said, due to the debts the South American country incurred. China granted credit to Venezuela during the last 10 years for at least $62 billion—Venezuela still owes $23 billion. The South American country pays its debts with oil. However, in the last three years the Chinese government exempted Maduro from repaying the outstanding loans and only collected interest. “Maduro’s problem now is that the financial relationship between Venezuela and China has gone on several years, and the Chinese government realized that the Venezuelan regime is neither capable nor willing to implement proper economic reforms to seek a balance and get back on track toward economic growth,” De Alba said. “Now Maduro turns to China, but the Chinese are aware of the high risks of investing in Venezuela. Consequently, they agreed to give limited funding to their companies operating in Venezuela to maintain oil production going and guarantee the shipment of crude oil to their country.” The loans tie Venezuela to China, Thomas said. There is also uncertainty about what the deals include, as both sides conducted secret negotiations. “The challenge for most Venezuelans should also be in managing the obscure credit operations [late President Hugo] Chávez and Maduro undertook. Currently, the content of oil contracts is unknown: flows, compensations, interest rates, prices assigned to pay off the debt, etc.,” Thomas said. “Something similar is happening with the agreements signed on natural resources and raw materials. It’s unknown how much China is allowed to interfere. Finally, in case of bankruptcy or regime change, which court will the Chinese use to claim the millions of dollars they granted?” Geopolitical game Thomas points out that although China tries to focus its relationship with Venezuela on economic terms, its geopolitical interest in the country, as part of its global expansion strategy, is undeniable. “It’s all a calculated, pre-established move within the support and action plan involving Beijing, Caracas, Istanbul, Havana, Tehran, and Moscow. The former carefully funds and coordinates some actions of the rest in favor of its geostrategy to control the majority of states, territories, markets, and continents to the detriment of the United States,” Thomas said.
From the office windows and balconies of those in power, it looked as though a tide was swallowing cities whole.It was an amazing, powerful moment full of hope.But there was no unifying message, no concrete demand, no specific goal or 10-point action plan.Now we see: There didn’t have to be.The women’s march ignited an energy that roiled and swelled through the rest of the year.By the end of 2017, a seismic change in American culture began toppling dozens of sexual predators in the #MeToo movement.A surge of female candidates ran for office and won a stunning number of elections, from city mayors to the nation’s statehouses. Categories: Editorial, OpinionIt didn’t feel like this on Jan. 1, did it?But 360-something days later, 2017 has turned out to be the Unexpected Year of the Woman.A shocker, yes. Because remember, 2016 was supposed to be the official, glass-shattering Year of the Woman. Hillary Clinton made history as the first female major-party candidate for president.Air Force Gen. Lori Robinson became the first woman to head a U.S. combatant command.Kathryn Smith was hired as the first female NFL coach. American women did the job at the Olympics, clanking home with the majority of the country’s medals.Harriet Tubman was picked to replace Andrew Jackson on the $20 bill.Three women of color – a record number – were elected to the Senate.And at long last a woman, Samantha Bee, joined the dude-dominated lineup of late-night shows.Then came the backlash.Even though the majority of American voters elected a woman to the White House, the electoral college – a convoluted institution created by men – gave the presidency to a man with 2.8 million fewer votes.And that man, Donald Trump, made a hobby of objectifying women, insulting women and openly bragging about grabbing women. And it felt as though 2017 might be the year that the massive boulder women have been pushing uphill for centuries rolled back down.But no.It turned out to be the exact opposite, and, in a way, far more powerful than any of the milestones of 2016.The year began with what was believed to be the largest march the country has ever seen.On Jan. 21, the day after the inauguration, women and the men who support them filled the streets, plazas and squares of Washington and cities across the country, as well as across the world.It was a breathtaking mass of humanity.On the ground in the nation’s capital, it felt as though no square foot of land was empty. It was 51 percent of the population demanding long-overdue change in the way we are treated.In one year, our nation went from a place where 46 percent of American voters didn’t mind having a commander in chief who brags about grabbing women’s genitals to a place where a celebrity chef who allegedly gropes his female employees isn’t considered fit to be in the kitchen.We are officially traveling at warp speed, my friends.The Unexpected Year of the Woman was breathtaking, and the momentum can’t be stopped.Watch out, 2018.Petula Dvorak is a columnist with The Washington Post’s local team who writes about homeless shelters politics and social issues.More from The Daily Gazette:EDITORIAL: Thruway tax unfair to working motoristsEDITORIAL: Beware of voter intimidationFoss: Should main downtown branch of the Schenectady County Public Library reopen?EDITORIAL: Urgent: Today is the last day to complete the censusEDITORIAL: Find a way to get family members into nursing homes “Women claimed big victories” with the Nov. 7 elections “in a night that marked many firsts and could signal the start of a sea change for women in politics,” wrote Governing magazine, a publication not known for breathless declarations on culture and feminism.“The sheer volume of success for women candidates was a surprise to many, mainly because they were running against incumbents who historically win re-election 90 percent of the time.But not this year. Incumbents in Georgia, New Jersey and Virginia all lost their seats to women.”The milestones women achieved last year were significant, for sure. But for the most part, they were seals of approval bestowed upon women by the patriarchy.Women made progress because men at male-led institutions scooted their chairs over a bit – just a bit – and let a few women join their circle of power.But what happened in 2017? That was organic and driven by women.It was a massive shift in our culture.
Others include Northern Ireland defender Chris Baird, 31, who signed from Southampton in 2007, Greek midfielder Giorgos Karagounis and Croatian striker Mladen Petric both after only one season at Craven Cottage. Another departure is former Wales international Simon Davies, a key member of Fulham’s run to the 2010 Europa League final. Davies, 33, who signed from Everton in 2007, scored a memorable equalising goal in the final against eventual winners Atletico Madrid. Other departures include Hungarian keeper Csaba Somogyi, manager Martin Jol’s first signing two years ago, plus development squad players Alex Smith, James Musa, Richard Peniket, Tom Donegan and Corey Gameiro. The 40-year-old, who signed on a free transfer in 2008 from Middlesbrough, had been offered a new contract but turned it down. Schwarzer, the first overseas player to make 500 top-flight appearances, is one of a number of players confirmed by the club as being released. Press Association Fulham have confirmed that Australian goalkeeper Mark Schwarzer is leaving the club.